Sunday, 6 January 2013


Ulasan Artikel  2

Oleh  :
Maslinda binti Mat Daros
Universiti Teknologi Malaysia


Title of article              :           The changing literacy demands of VET: a global issue with local
implications
Author                        :           Sue Shore
University of South Australia Author                                   



Literacy: skills and knowledge or gift relations?
Australian Bureau of Statistics 1996 have provided clearer pictures of the literacy and numeracy skills of the general Australian population. Each of the national surveys was at pains to point out that the concepts of literacy underpinning them drew on complex relationships between social practice, cultural milieu and the purposes for using literacy. 

Popular  culture, media and public interest dictate, to a certain extent, the presentation
of these stories, but its  more convinced that the campaigns themselves help to wage an ongoing war against those with literacy difficulties.  In fact the  campaigns are responsible in part for sustaining the perception that literacy difficulties reside in the individual.  Moreover they also resuscitate the erroneous argument that the cure to literacy problems lies in better schooling.  This perpetuates the idea that literacy development, or lack thereof, is like an illness that can be cured.  It ignores the significant changes that occur over time as people engage in work and
wider social activities.

            There’s a different set of understandings about literacy development.  These understandings are informed by the manner in which literacy is used in everyday moments at work and at home, with partners and strangers, with children and retail assistants, with friends and colleagues, with bullies and allies.  This set of understandings has a number of points in common with the belief that literacy is important in creating a range of life choices about employment and citizenship. Nevertheless, the  understandings of literacy also include the challenge to consider how literacy learning is implicated in limiting those choices for particular groups of people in particular located.

Putting literacy on the agenda
In Australia, as in many other countries, International Literacy Year (1990) served as a vehicle for educators and lobbyists to ‘put literacy on the agenda’.  During the lead up to ILY and in the ensuing years many countries used the opportunity to lobby their governments, to advocate for changes in funding as well as a reorientation in the kinds of programs available to learners.  In Australia a publicly funded Adult Literacy Action Campaign (ALAC) received Federal funding during 1988/9 to prepare the ground for a national effort to provide better awareness, participation and infrastructure for adult literacy provision.  Over the next few years it was common to hear literacy practitioners, policy makers and industry stakeholders talk of moving literacy ‘from margins to mainstream’, a reflection on the educational values and status accorded literacy researchers, policy makers and ‘the field’ itself (cf. Gilding 1994).

              One key aim of ILY, like many other designated ‘international’ years, was to initiate policies and structures that would have an effect beyond the immediate domain of literacy agencies (for example in community health centres, youth shelters, labor market programs and especially workplaces).  It also aimed to consolidate provision beyond the narrow confines of the ‘designated year’.

Literacy and training policy: an idiosyncratic mapping of some changes

Just as literacy and numeracy are embedded in socio-cultural, political and economic contexts, so too, the challenge of providing good research, policies and structures for provision are also embedded in changing contexts.  In international exchanges and in conferences I have been asked to explain why Australia has a ‘literacy problem’, when it is clear that the dimensions and scope are quite different from that of, say, India or Thailand.  For example in the decades before 1990 it was frequently claimed the Australia had a 100% literacy rate.  Yet clearly evidence from a major literacy survey Aspects of Literacy (Australian Bureau of Statistics 1997) and reports from many associated professional agencies claimed otherwise.  Marion Norton (1996, 59) describes it this way:
[Aspects of Literacy] demonstrates that there is, in fact, a very wide range of reading
skills which are affected by the difficulty of the text.  Therefore there is no simple
answer to the question ‘How many people can't read?’  The question has to be put
‘How many people can’t read something for the purposes they need?’  This approach
emphasizes the view of reading as an interactive process in which readers bring prior
knowledge and experience to the text and use new information for their own
purposes.

            The policy set the framework for a number of responses to overall funding formulae, dispersal of funding to ‘target groups’, curriculum, assessment and outcomes.  Over the next decade accompanying policy, research, curriculum and advocacy attempted to address:
• the misconception that literacy problems were a product of poor schooling;
• the misconception that school practices alone were responsible for preparing adults for    
   the world of work;
• the pervasive deficit discourses often used to guide literacy debates;
• the need for understandings of Plain English use in workplaces, public documentation
   and general communication practice;
• the range of literacy practices in use amongst ‘target group’ populations that were   
  commonly believed to be most severely disadvantaged when it came to acquiring   
  literacy skills for work and community use.

Conclusion
Thinking about literacy in this way is not a simple process of reflecting on an event and determining how far ‘we’ have strayed from our original objectives.  Rather taking these ideas to heart involves a fundamental shift in understanding relations of literacy, power, knowledge and ‘progress’.  It is a reflexive act which is not simply “rectifying and justifying” (Trinh T. Minh-ha 1991, 48), rather it is deeply implicated in the act of continued becoming, of self-constitution, which Trinh explains so well:
Subjectivity does not merely consist of talking about oneself, be this talking
indulgent or critical.  …What is at stake is a practice of subjectivity that is still
unaware of its own constituted nature … unaware of its continuous role in the
production of meaning (Trinh T. Minh-ha 1991, 77).

In this respect being reflexive about, as distinct from reflecting on, our role in provision involves pushing the imagination to think otherwise, to notice how assumptions about literacy define the limits of involvement in working life for employers and employees; how clean categories of literacy become the frame of reference for continued talk about the ‘unproductive’ worker; and, how assumptions about literacy for work and life continue to ignore the dynamics at play that constitute the kinds of multi literacy available in culturally diverse communities of workers and citizens.  Equally important, reflexivity is about rendering visible the extent to which literacy is framed as a gift, an assumptions that pervades many debates about literacy, yet the problematic nature of the gift is rarely examined.  

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